Month: April 2026

What is a Canadian Book? And Why Should I Buy One?

A display table covered with various books, featuring a sign that says 'Read the North.' The books include a mix of fiction and non-fiction, many with Canadian-themed stickers.

Image: Author

Walk into any bookstore in Canada today, from an Indigo big box store to a small indie outlet, and if you aren’t smacked in the face with books covered in prominent maple leaf logos, or a banner proclaiming “Canadian!”, then you must be living on a different planet from me. Of course, the same applies in your local grocery store where—despite occasional mislabelling—consumers are apparently more than ready to choose Canadian produce at the expense of Florida oranges or California raspberries. If you run a travel agency, it’s better to advertise trips to Newfoundland than Disneyland. The federal government is encouraging the trend with its new “Buy Canadian” procurement policies. If consumers need help, there is even a “Made in CA” (Canada, that is, not California) website, which sustains itself financially by recommending Canadian products and then earning revenue from readers’ clicks on featured links. The surge in Canadian consumer nationalism is one facet of Canadians’ response to Donald Trump’s “make Canada the 51st state” nonsense, and retailers would be foolish to ignore the trend. Booksellers are no exception. But the question is whether this sudden discovery of the virtues of Canadian (or supposedly Canadian) products is having any marked difference on the sale of Canadian books. This leads to the next big question, “What is a Canadian book?’.

That is a longstanding debate on which there are many views. I recently saw a pile of “Canadian” books at Indigo, among which was anti-copyright maven Cory Doctorow’s Enshittification. A Canadian work? Yes, Doctorow was born in Canada but has taken out UK citizenship and has lived in the US for a decade. The publisher is a print of MacMillan, which was British owned but is now German controlled. However, I guess Doctorow is as Canadian as John Kenneth Galbraith or William Shatner. Why shouldn’t Star Trek Memories qualify as Canadian literature? No country has a claim on outer space in the 23rd Century. Is a book Canadian if it is written by someone who is, or was, a Canadian? Do they have to be a citizen or does a recent immigrant qualify? Does it have to be set in Canada? Does it need to be published by a Canadian publisher? If it is published by a Canadian publisher (like my book, In Defence of Copyright, published in 2023 by Cormorant Books—apologies for the shameless plug), does this make it “more Canadian”? Is the fact that foreign owned publishers control around 95% of the Canadian publishing market in 2025 a problem? If so, what to do about it, and how? Should the best Canadian writers eschew foreign publishers and instead seek out domestic publishing houses, even if this means they will earn less? There is a lot to consider.

The evidence suggests there has been an uptick in demand for Canadian books in Canada. Publishers’ Weekly reports that print book sales in Canada climbed to CAD$1.15 billion (around USD800 million) in 2025, a gain of 4.1% over 2024. Many of these books were not Canadian although books by Canadian authors accounted for 14% of unit print sales in 2025, up from 12% in both 2024 and 2023. Fourteen percent of $1.15 billion is about $160 million, not small change. However, most of these books by Canadian authors were published by the “Big Five” (Penguin RandomHouse, MacMillan, HarperCollins, Hachette, and Simon&Shuster). All are foreign owned (two German, one French, and two American). Some of the Canadian works were released as international editions, some by the domestic Canadian operations of the Big Five. The most well-known Canadian authors, including Nobel Prize Winner, Alice Munro, and Booker/Giller prizewinner Margaret Atwood (The Handmaid’s Tale, The Testaments, The Blind Assassin and others), were/are all published by large international publishing houses, as you would expect. (Munro and Atwood are published in Canada by McClelland&Stewart, owned by Penguin RandomHouse). Even Prime Minister Mark Carney’s bestseller, Values, is published by a foreign owned publisher, a Penguin RandomHouse subsidiary. Is this a problem? To some, such as Richard Stursberg, it is.

Stursberg has just released his latest book, an essay really (under 100 pages) entitled Lament for a Literature: The Collapse of Canadian Book Publishing, published by independent Canadian publisher Sutherland House. Stursberg knows whereof he speaks. He has been involved in the bureaucracy and politics of Canadian media policy for many years, as Executive Director of Telefilm Canada, Chairman of the Canadian Television Fund and as Head of English Services at the CBC, among others. “Lament for a Literature” (a takeoff on George Grant’s 1965 essay “Lament for a Nation”) has already received a fair amount of publicity, through interviews (MediaPolicy.ca; Canadian Affairs), and commentary (Globe and Mail). There seems to be broad agreement he has put his finger on a problem and a Canadian weakness, but the question remains what to do about it? There is a lot less consensus on possible solutions.

Stursberg’s approach is what many would consider draconian. Increase subsidies substantially and remove the Canada Council’s adjudicative role over what should qualify for a subsidy. Make the subsidies open ended and tied to production, like film credits. While this will be criticized as fiscally irresponsible, no-one seems to object to film credits (which are direct subsidies) because they support jobs in film production. Publishing supports jobs too, although not as many and not as wide a variety. So, maybe an argument can be made for subsidizing jobs in Canadian publishing. (However, to follow the film credit analogy fully, Canada would have to provide book credits to foreign publishers as it does to Foreign Location Shooting in Canada). Stursberg would also manipulate the market in various ways through regulation and a Canadian book law. This would require a foreign rights holder wanting to distribute a foreign title in Canada being required to offer the distribution rights to a Canadian publisher. This is easier said than done because price will be the key. The international publisher will want maximum return, while the Canadian publisher will want to cash in by selling a title they did not develop. Giving Canadian publishers a share of the international pie is the intent of the policy; to provide a market subsidy to Canadian independent publishers by giving them regulated access to foreign best-sellers. That is supposed to provide them a war chest with which to fund the development of Canadian authors. It is similar to a book version of various broadcasting industry interventions, such as simultaneous substitution and aspects of the Online Streaming Act.

There are various downsides to this kind of market intervention, not the least of which is violent objection from the US government, but these days they are objecting to just about everything that Canada does, from Mark Carney’s trip to China (isn’t Donald J. going there soon?) to the Online Streaming and Online News Acts, to dairy supply management to the price that Canadian kitchen cabinets are sold in the US, the latter qualifying (in the eyes of the US Administration) as a national security threat allowing them to invoke Section 232 of the US Trade Act. A heavily interventionist policy could also lead to market distortions, resulting in unauthorized foreign editions of best-sellers being smuggled into Canada, much as pizza cheese from the US has become a black market commodity as a result of Canada’s dairy supply management policy.

Stursberg has other suggestions, such as legislating a fixed retail price for a given work in all bookstores, thus preventing Amazon and Indigo, for example, from offering discounts that indie bookstores may not be able to afford, as well as requiring that online retailers charge a delivery fee. So much for Amazon Prime. That will be popular with readers, I am sure. Public schools and libraries would be required to source all their books through accredited bookstores. To be accredited, a store would need to carry a minimum number of Canadian titles. Public institutions could not source from online retailers. That is another sure way to antagonize institutional purchasers, although I am sure it could be argued it is for the “greater good”. But all such bureaucratic market intervention policies cause collateral damage and often unintended consequences. So, what is to be done?

In my experience, reading remains remarkably popular both for entertainment and intellectual growth, in Canada as elsewhere. Canadians should be naturally interested in their own stories played out in Canadian settings, but these stories need to compete with what’s available in the big, wide world. Relevance and excellence (along with marketing) are the way to promote a domestic literature. I refuse to read a book simply because it is “Canadian” (whatever that may mean), but I will likely pick up a book that piques my interest and is well written, especially if it is Canadian. Perhaps the newfound nationalism of “Buy Canadian” will provide a boost to emerging and established Canadian writers. Some of them will get picked up by the Canadian imprints of the Big Five, some will be discovered by Canadian indie publishers and still others will self-publish. I am optimistic that despite the dominance of the Canadian publishing market by foreign publishers through their Canadian subsidiaries, good Canadian stories will continue to be published. A stronger indie publishing sector would be welcome and. in this regard, industrial rather than cultural subsidies may provide a partial response. In the meantime, I am sure that Canadians will continue to debate, “What is a Canadian book?” Whatever it is, we need to look beyond the Maple Leaf label on the cover.  

© Hugh Stephens, 2026. All Rights Reserved.

An AI Bot Rewrote my Blog Post—And then Gave Me a Failing Grade for Credibility!

A humanoid robot sitting at a desk, using a typewriter while looking at a sheet of paper in a cozy, modern interior with soft lighting.
Image: Shutterstock.com

I don’t know whether to feel offended or flattered, but I’ve been scraped–by AI. And I can prove it. The first intimation I had of this signal occurrence was a notice from WordPress asking me to approve a comment on my recent blog post, “Copyright, AI and the Legal Profession: Who Blinked?”. I logged in to find it wasn’t a comment but rather a link to this website.

A quick click took me to the article “CanLII settling with Caseway signals shift in legal-tech power dynamics”, dated April 20, the same day I had posted my blog. It was under a byline “London News”, which initially I naively assumed referred to London, Ont, (shows how parochial I can be) but quickly realized that this was some kind of online journal for commuters heading toward Picadilly Circus. London News appears to be written by a bot called Noah News Service, managed by the company HBM Advisory, based in London (England). There was no direct reference or link to my blog post in the article, but when I read it, it seemed eerily similar. The words were all different but the thread (with one exception that I will come to later) was the same. When I searched further, I found a footnote indicating the London News story was “inspired by” my blog post. What does this mean in reality?

My original post is protected by copyright, but anyone (even a bot I suppose) can take “inspiration” from a copyrighted work and produce something new. However, the “inspiration” I provided the bot is substantially different, in my view, from the sort of inspiration I would get from reading, say, an Agatha Christie mystery and then deciding to write my own mystery novel. In the case of my blog post, the bot did not really take “inspiration” from the content to create a new original work but rather engaged in rewriting the story using AI analysis of its key points to recreate what I had said using different words. That’s not true inspiration; it’s paraphrasing. Moreover, I’ll wager that an unauthorized copy of my work was made in order to feed the content to the bot to undertake its rewrite. While facts cannot be copyrighted (only someone’s expression of the facts), this rewrite was not based on the facts of the case. It was based on my blog post. Although the bot has not hijacked my precise words (i.e. my expression) it has nevertheless replicated the structure of my work, its flow and its arguments. It’s sailing very close to the wind, but probably still legal. This is not dissimilar to the challenge faced by news organizations who find their expensively created content being scraped and repackaged by online platforms such as Google, META, and others. According to the National Post, in a recent survey commissioned by News Media Canada, more than seven in 10 Canadians (of those surveyed) think the federal government should prevent artificial intelligence companies from taking and repackaging news content without permission or compensation.

But back to the London News article. Scrolling down to the end, I found an analysis of my blog post, produced by Noah. The post was rated according to various categories. It earned a “Freshness Check” score of 8/10 (i.e. the story was relevant), a “Quotes” check of 7/10; a “Source Reliability” score of just 6/10, a “Plausibility” rating of 8/10 but, sadly, an Overall Assessment for credibility of “Fail”, based on a “Medium” degree of confidence in this assessment. OMG, where did I fail to make the bot happy? How did I not meet its standards?

The Source reliability score would have been higher, according to the bot, if it had been published by an “established news organisation”, rather than on a personal blog;

“While the author, Hugh Stephens, has expertise in international copyright issues, (thanks, bot) the blog’s content is not subject to the same scrutiny as mainstream media.”

Well, I can live with that. The whole point of a personal blog is to offer a different perspective from Fox News, the BBC or the Globe and Mail.

The bot’s analysis continued:

“The article references reputable sources, but the lack of direct links to these sources raises concerns about transparency and verifiability.”

In other words, stuff your blog post with direct links to “mainstream media” and you might improve your report card. I could do that, but it might not be appreciated by my readers. The need for more direct links is repeated in the Quotes section (Score: 7/10) as well.

As for my failing grade, the bot’s summary says;

“The article provides a speculative analysis of the CanLII-Caseway AI settlement, referencing reputable sources but lacking direct links for independent verification. Its opinion-based nature and the author’s personal blog platform contribute to concerns about reliability and independence. Given these factors, the content does not meet the standards for publication under our editorial indemnity.”

But they published it anyway, as they do all kinds of content scraped from the web. I am not sure what the editorial indemnity policy is, but I suppose it is some sort of guaranteed reliability indicator, designed to separate the loony conspiracy theories (alternate facts?) from “real news”.

I wondered who would pass the bot’s scrutiny. Of the ten AI related stories posted on the front page of London News on the day I selected, 5 passed, 4 failed, and one was Conditional. The sources were all specialized but non-mainstream tech publications, or informed blogs, but certainly not conspiracy-theory outlets. Yet about half failed to gain Noah’s approval. I started to feel a bit better. Perhaps I’m not such an outlier.

I wonder if could write a blog post that would get an “A” from the bot. First, I would have to catch its attention, which I guess I could do by making sure there were lots of references to “AI” in the text, and then I would have to suppress my instinct to offer views on the topic. I would also have to stuff in lots of links to mainstream sources, like the Guardian and its ilk. But what is the fun in that? And what is the point? If people want to read “just the facts”, they can turn over the screening of content (and thinking) to their mainstream media subscriptions. However, I will say that the idea of assessing the reliability of a story on any topic, whether it’s on AI or the war in the Middle East, is not a bad thing. In the case of HBM, the assessment is used as a teaser to convince users (individuals, but more likely businesses) to sign up for more comprehensive, paid analysis. Part of the problem is that the assessment is done by an AI bot, and we know that AI is far from perfect.

HBM claims it uses AI and statistical modelling blended with human expertise and oversight to do its assessments. There is a thin but cursory layer of human involvement; fact-checking, source verification, style refinement etc. I think this is borne out by one missing key paragraph from HBM’s rewrite of my blog post. I had taken aim at Deloitte as an example of a large multinational company, that should know better, having been caught red-handed using unattributed AI that produced inaccurate, “hallucinated” results in a consulting report it prepared for the Newfoundland government. (“Deloitte’s AI Nightmare: Top Global Firm Caught Using AI-Fabricated Sources to Support its Policy Recommendations”). While HBM’s rewrite included almost all the key points in my post, there was zero reference to Deloitte. I am sure that “human expertise” decided that there was no point in gratuitously antagonizing an actual or potential client. Can I prove it? No, I guess its just another conspiracy theory.

I wonder if this blog post will be picked up and analyzed by Noah and if so, whether I would get a “Pass” this time. After all, it is “Fresh” and I have used lots of quotes from Noah. Having referred to the London News, I should get a 10/10 for Source Reliability (although I am not mainstream media, but neither is Noah). As for Plausibility what could be more plausible than an AI bot ripping off an author’s work through an unauthorized rewrite?  Would all that land me a “Pass” from Noah? I will probably never know.

© Hugh Stephens, 2026. All Rights Reserved.

Update: Noah picked up and summarized (using much more direct language this time) the blog post above and then (drumroll) gave me a “Pass”.

Copyright, AI and the Legal Profession (Who Blinked?)

A close-up of a stack of vintage books on a wooden shelf, with a prominent 'AI' logo overlay.

Image: Shutterstock

I wonder what really happened? Maybe we’ll never know. On March 23 it was announced that Caseway AI and CanLII (The Canadian Legal Information Institute) had reached a settlement in the copyright infringement case brought by CanLII against Caseway in 2024. As the saying goes, “Somebody knows something”, but they aren’t saying. The settlement is confidential and both sides are very tight-lipped, although Caseway is willing to riff a bit on social media. The CanLII announcement that each party will move forward independently, and that both consider the matter fully and finally resolved with no further comment, is particularly buttoned-up leading one (the “one” being me) to suspect it was maybe CanLII that blinked, not Caseway. But I could be wrong. There is no announcement that Caseway will be licensing CanLII content, or any hints that money has changed hands. Maybe Caseway agreed to stop what they were doing even though they denied doing it.

The facts of the case are as follows. According to its website, CanLII is “a non-profit organization founded in 2001 by the Federation of Law Societies of Canada on behalf of its 14-member law societies. Its mandate is to provide efficient and open online access to judicial decisions and legislative documents.”

Not only that but,

“CanLII supports members of the legal profession in the performance of their duties while providing the public with permanent open access to laws and legal decisions from all Canadian jurisdictions.”

Caseway AI says it is a company that is applying AI techniques to the legal profession “to make legal knowledge accessible, affordable, and usable for everyone.”

This being the case, you might think that CanLII would be delighted when an AI company like Caseway came along to use CanLII’s “free” resources to develop an AI-based legal platform, which would arguably improve access to legal information on the part of the public, plus simplify the research function for legal firms. You would be wrong. Part of the problem, no doubt, was that the AI company, Caseway, charges for its services while not being part of the profession.(i.e. take but not give).

Caseway’s sales pitch also might not endear it to the legal profession;

“We believe the justice system should not feel closed off to those without deep pockets or institutional power…By combining trusted legal sources with modern technology, Caseway levels the playing field—empowering solo lawyers, small firms, businesses, and individuals navigating legal challenges on their own…”

Oh oh. The self representation bogey. Maybe the real reason for CanLII’s suit was that Caseway AI and others like it were setting themselves up as a direct threat to the legal profession. Apart from the threat of more self representation, AI is a two-edged sword for many lawyers. Yes, it simplifies a number of routine duties and research functions, but at the end of the day it could also result in a lot fewer lawyers. The threat is no different than the threat posed to accountants, radiologists, stock market analysts and soothsayers, but needs to be taken seriously.

The nub of the CanLII case was that while it provides public, non-copyrightable judicial decisions, these public documents are compiled in a proprietary database. CanLII argued that it spends considerable time, effort and money to “review, analyze, curate, aggregate, catalogue, annotate, index and otherwise enhance the data” prior to publication and that this creative effort converts public information into copyright protected content. CanLII might be right, based on the US case of Thomson Reuters v Ross where a US court found that Ross Intelligence, an AI research firm, had infringed on the copyrighted legal materials, indexing system and case headnotes (summaries of judicial cases) of Westlaw, a legal research platform owned by Thomson Reuters. Notably Ross had tried to license the Westlaw content, but Thomson Reuters had refused, viewing Ross as a competitor to Westlaw. Ross then helped itself to the material. In both the CanLII and Reuters/Ross cases, the foundational content, (judicial decisions) were in the public domain, but the issue revolved around the secondary, interpretive materials and processes. In presenting its defence, Caseway did not argue that it was entitled to use CanLII’s content under fair dealing or because it was in the public domain. Instead, it argued that it didn’t access CanLII’s content at all. It got its content from other public sources. CanLII had to prove the contrary.

When I asked Google’s AI mode “How strong was the CanLII case against Caseway” I got a summary of various Canadian Lawyer Magazine articles which discussed the pros and cons of the case, and an unsubstantiated assertion that “Caseway agreed to respect CanLII’s terms of service and cease any unauthorized automated data extraction.” Whether that is true or not I cannot say, but it is clear that both CanLII and Caseway will continue on their respective paths. Indeed, Caseway has just burnished its image a bit by cutting a deal with UBC (University of British Columbia, in Vancouver)  to research ways to improve the accuracy of AI legal research tools. This is an ongoing problem for legal researchers and more than one lawyer has been sanctioned by the courts for presenting supposed legal precedents that were in fact non-existent, having been hallucinated by AI.

Apart from the AI hallucination problem, which does not limit itself to the legal profession (Deloitte Consulting being a prominent example of a major company being caught with its hand in the AI error-ridden cookie jar, without disclosure to the client), there is also the question of whether an AI platform should be allowed to provide legal advice. It is not licensed to do so and as a regulated profession, lawyers are jealous of their prerogatives. The profession is regulated for good reasons; to ensure competence and integrity to protect clients and the public. There are strict regulations against unlicensed practitioners providing legal advice, with severe penalties. In March of this year, ChatGPT’s parent company, OpenAI, was sued for engaging in the unauthorized practice of law, in this case by providing legal advice through a consumer‑facing chatbot. The seriousness of unlicensed persons or entities providing legal advice explains the many warnings posted on websites and blogs when discussing legal issues. “The foregoing does not constitute legal advice”. The case is pending.

Back to Caseway AI. Do I think that if you have a legal problem, you can solve it with a $49.99 a month subscription to Caseway instead of engaging a lawyer? Well, if you are determined to self-represent, it might be better to try it out rather than heading to the library to borrow a copy of the Highways Act, or Criminal Code, or searching for legal precedents that might be relevant to your case. On the other hand, remember the old saying, often attributed to Abraham Lincoln, that “A man who is his own lawyer has a fool for a client”.

The above does not constitute legal advice. 😊

© Hugh Stephens, 2026. All Rights Reserved.

Broadcasting Policy Beyond Broadcasting: Canada’s Online Streaming Act and the U.S. Response

By Christine Rose Cooling

(This is an occasional guest post. I am delighted to publish this analysis by Christine Rose Cooling, whose bio you will find at the end of the post).

An illustration featuring a smartphone displaying digital media platforms, a clipboard with media and broadcast regulations, a gavel on a wooden block, and a computer screen with hands holding microphones, labeled 'Online Streaming Act'.

Image: Shutterstock.com (modified)

When then-Minister of Canadian Heritage Pablo Rodriguez introduced Bill C-11, the Online Streaming Act, in the House of Commons in February 2022, he invoked earlier optimism about the Internet as a space for democratic participation and cultural opportunity. This sentiment recalls John Perry Barlow’s 1996 “Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace,” which infamously imagined the Internet as a space beyond the sovereignty of nation-states, where the “weary giants of flesh and steel” would have no power. That naïve idealism has since given way to emerging concern about the role of global streaming platforms in shredding Canada’s cultural fabric. Left unregulated, Rodriguez suggested, these services risk weakening Canadian sovereignty.

More than three decades after Canada’s last modernization of the Broadcasting Act in 1991, debates about Canadian broadcasting policy returned with renewed intensity. With Royal Assent granted in April 2023, the Online Streaming Act extends the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission’s (CRTC) regulatory authority to streaming services operating in Canada, requiring them to contribute to Canadian content (CanCon) production and support the discoverability of Canadian programming.

The Online Streaming Act represents both policy modernization and inertia in an effort to extend broadcasting policy beyond national broadcasting systems. Although the Act incorporates streaming platforms into the Broadcasting Act as “online undertakings,” these services differ fundamentally from traditional broadcasters—think spectrum allocation, scheduled programming, and territorially bounded signals.

Canada is not alone in attempting to retrofit twentieth-century broadcasting frameworks to the regulatory challenges posed by twenty-first-century streaming platforms. What distinguishes the Canadian case is the degree to which such efforts unfold within a trade environment shaped by structural dependence on access to U.S. markets, making Canadian cultural regulation unusually susceptible to bilateral pressure. Further, the Act operates within a volatile geopolitical arena in which platform regulation is being interpreted through the language of free trade and industrial competition rather than longstanding cultural logics.

Enter Stage Left: The U.S. Response

In June 2024, the CRTC announced that major online streaming services would be required to contribute five per cent of their Canadian revenues toward domestic production funds supporting Canadian and Indigenous content, including genres the streamers do not produce, such as news reporting. The decision has since been the subject of dispute by Apple, Amazon, and Spotify as well as the Motion Picture Association-Canada, though streamers will likely be prepared to pay some amount.

More recently, on March 19, 2026, Congressman Lloyd Smucker introduced the Protecting American Streaming and Innovation Act in the U.S. House of Representatives. This draft legislation, if adopted, would direct the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) to investigate whether the Online Streaming Act discriminates against American streaming companies. The bill sets the stage for retaliatory action under Section 301(c) of the U.S. Trade Act of 1974 if such discrimination is found and if Canada does not remedy the discriminatory measures within 180 days, although use of Section 301 would violate the Canada–United States–Mexico Agreement (CUSMA).

Article 19.4 of CUSMA requires that countries treat digital products from other member states no less favourably than their own. In principle, this national treatment provision applies to streamers operating in Canada. However, Article 32.6 creates a broad exception for cultural industries, allowing Canada to adopt cultural policy measures affecting broadcasting and audiovisual production even if they conflict with the agreement. While specific U.S. industry interests have argued that Canada may need to rely on Article 32.6 to justify the measures it is taking under the Online Streaming Act, it is important to note that to date the U.S. government has not formally adopted this position. That said, the exemption does not eliminate the possibility of U.S. retaliation; indeed, it explicitly legitimizes it. Under CUSMA, the United States may respond with measures of equivalent commercial effect in any sector if it determines that Canadian cultural policies disadvantage American firms. Canada can, however, challenge whether Article 32.6 is applicable. Also, an argument can be made that the way in which the Online Streaming Act regulates streaming services is not discriminatory, i.e. it does not violate national treatment obligations.

Although Congressman Smucker’s Protecting American Streaming and Innovation Act may never see the light of day as it is but one of many bills introduced into Congress to highlight issues of concern to U.S. industry interests, it nonetheless renders the politics of broadcasting policy quite visible. Smucker’s unlikely counter-legislation—decrying the Online Streaming Act as an attack against U.S. companies, creators, and workers—makes it blatantly clear how debates about cultural regulation increasingly extend beyond national institutions. Such actions function less as the basis for dispute settlement than as policy posturing intended to exert bilateral pressure on Canada.

From Signals to Streaming

Canadian broadcasting policy has long been shaped by historical disputes, cultural tensions, and geopolitical pressures. From the early licensing of commercial radio stations in the 1920s to the establishment of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) that we know (and at least some of us love) today, Canadian broadcasting policy developed not just as an industrial response to spectrum scarcity but also as cultural protectionism against American dominance over Canadian airwaves.

Conundrums aside, legacy regulatory strategies like Canadian content (CanCon) requirements and ownership rules remain measures through which broadcasting policy has sought to pursue cultural objectives beyond economic ones. The Online Streaming Act extends this analog-era regulatory philosophy into the digital age, transforming unresolved debates over the legitimacy of Canadian cultural regulation.

We should also remember that the transformation of broadcasting policy in Canada did not emerge suddenly with the Online Streaming Act. During the CRTC’s Let’s Talk TV hearings between 2013 and 2014, the Commission heard from Netflix representative Corie Wright who argued that online streaming services primarily supplemented rather than replaced traditional broadcasting services. Netflix declined to provide evidence supporting this claim, and the Commission ultimately ruled the argument as anecdotal. This line of uncertainty later informed the work of the Liberal-appointed Broadcasting and Telecommunications Legislative Review panel, whose 2020 report Canada’s Communications Future: Time to Act recommended restructuring communication legislation to reflect a new networked environment. Among its most consequential recommendations was the proposal to extend regulatory authority over online streaming services operating in Canada.

Concerns about the trade implications of regulating online streaming services are, likewise, not new at all. Early in 2020, Professor and Canada Research Chair in Internet and E-Commerce Law at the University of Ottawa, Michael Geist, warned that requiring foreign streaming services to contribute to Canadian production funds without equal access to those funds could invite retaliatory trade responses. Similar concerns surfaced in 2022 before the bill passed, when former U.S. Trade Representative Katherine Tai officially took notice of the Online Streaming Act during a CUSMA meeting with Canada’s former Minister of International Trade, Mary Ng.

Despite the unlikelihood of its adoption, Smucker’s Protecting American Streaming and Innovation Act represents less a sudden escalation than a continuation of a contested shift in how cultural regulation is interpreted both within and beyond Canada. This is entirely unsurprising, as platform infrastructures shaped by recommendation systems, black-box algorithms, and cross-border media flows increasingly blur the boundaries between cultural forms and digital markets.

© Christine Rose Cooling, 2026

Biography

Christine Rose Cooling is a PhD student in Communication & Culture at York University whose research examines how Canadian cultural policy continues to shape cultural expression in a platform-mediated media environment. Her work focuses on broadcasting regulation, streaming platforms, and the cultural significance of live music within contemporary debates about national identity and cultural sovereignty.

Blacklock’s Reporter (BR) v Attorney General for Canada (AGC): Score One for “David”

A cartoon-style illustration depicting a young boy facing a giant warrior, with a dramatic background. Text overlays include 'BR' and 'AGC'.

Image: Shutterstock (modified)

The ongoing David vs Goliath tussle involving a small web-based Ottawa public affairs journal, Blacklock’s Reporter (BR), that took on the Government of Canada (GOC) over a series of alleged copyright infringements, has just seen a significant new development.  On March 19, 2026, the Federal Court of Appeal (FCA) announced its decision in the Parks Canada case, upholding BR’s appeal of a 2024 Federal Court ruling delivered by Justice Yvan Roy. Roy had declared (1) that the use of a password by Parks Canada to access BR content constituted fair dealing under the Copyright Act, and (2) that the licit use of a password does not constitute circumvention of a TPM (technological protection measure, often referred to as a “digital lock”) as defined in the Copyright Act. That decision and its attendant declarations are now vacated. Costs were awarded to BR. This is an important victory for rightsholders and businesses that depend on TPMs to protect paywalled content. It’s also a black eye for the government’s litigator, the Attorney General for Canada (AGC), which sought these declarations as a way of justifying alleged repeated cases of copyright infringing activity by various GOC Departments and agencies.

Let’s review the history. BR is a subscription-based digital journal. Its stock in trade is “Inside Ottawa” investigative reporting. It is, frankly, a thorn in the side of government which is precisely why its role is so important. Its breaks the stories that well-staffed and well-funded departmental communications shops don’t want covered. It doesn’t print government news releases; instead, it provides investigative stories to its customers. An individual can subscribe to BR on an annual basis for a relatively modest sum, currently $314 plus tax, which compares favourably to the digital subscription rates of leading national media organizations. However, larger entities like companies or government agencies that have multiple users require institutional subscriptions. The cost depends on the number of subscribers, i.e. the degree of access. There is nothing unusual about this; it is a common business model. That business model depends on controlling access to the paywalled content. Passwords are commonly used for this purpose.

For a number of years, BR has been fighting the GOC over the government’s unwillingness to pay for bulk subscriptions for its various agencies. Because BR had difficulty in knowing how many employees within a given agency had access to its content, it filed Access to Information (ATI) requests to obtain this information. It then used the ATI revelations–which confirmed there were multiple users (in some cases, thousands) who were not covered by the subscription to BR– to bring suit for copyright infringement against these government agencies. This led the government’s lawyers, through the Attorney General for Canada (AGC,) to accuse BR of entrapment and using copyright trolling as a business model. This ludicrous accusation, which in effect suggests that BR only investigates and reports on what the government is doing in order to sell bulk subscriptions to government agencies, was firmly and rightly rejected by the courts. Given that BR was only suing for the cost of an institutional subscription, it seems evident that their sole objective was to be paid appropriately for the use of their services. However, despite the Court’s repudiation of the trolling accusation, to date BR has not been successful in proving copyright infringement on the part of the GOC and its agencies. The successful appeal opens up the possibility of further court action.

The Parks Canada case was one of BR’s first attempts to assert its copyright, as I discussed in an earlier blog post. In 2013, a Parks Canada employee accessed the BR website and purchased an individual subscription. She then shared the password she obtained with a number of other employees within the agency. BR sued, arguing this was copyright infringement and a violation of its terms of service. The AGC on behalf of Parks Canada contended the use was a fair dealing for research purposes. The nub of the issue was whether the content had been accessed legally, which is a requirement to be able to exercise the fair dealing provisions of the Copyright Act (Section 29). Fair dealing (that is, use without permission for specified purposes) does not apply if the content is protected by a TPM that has been circumvented. Circumvention is described in the Act as using descrambling or decryption or to “otherwise avoid, bypass, remove, deactivate or impair” the TPM. But what was the TPM (the password or the paywall?) and was it “bypassed”? It was a complicated scenario. As was its right, BR announced in 2021 that it had decided to discontinue this particular case and instead focus on infringement that had occurred elsewhere, in another GOC agency.

That should have been the end of it but for the action of the AGC, which did an end-run on BR’s discontinuance motion. This was was due to be officially filed on Monday morning, July 5, 2021. The AGC filed an application for summary judgment and a counterclaim (on a Sunday yet, July 4, the last day possible for such action) seeking the declarations mentioned in paragraph one. The original plaintiff, BR, thus became the respondent. The AGC sought to use the Parks Canada case, which the plaintiff had chosen to discontinue, to obtain broad declarations it could use in other cases brought by BR. For example, it sought a broad declaration that a password was not a TPM (which would imply therefore that password sharing was legal). However, the Federal Court declined to address that issue, limiting its decision to the facts of this one case. Having been forced to defend a case it had sought to discontinue, becoming in effect the respondent, and having lost, BR appealed. It has now been vindicated. As Appeal Justice Wyman Webb of the Federal Court of Appeal (FCA) clearly stated;

“…the Federal Court erred in making the declarations. I would allow the appeal and set aside the Judgment of the Federal Court”.

What has been the reaction in the free-access community that had so openly lauded the initial Federal Court decision? University of Ottawa professor Michael Geist, who crowed that the original decision, now overturned, was a “huge win” for users of copyrighted content–at least those who don’t want to pay for the paywalled content they use—has remained silent. For many years Dr. Geist has been closely associated with CIPPIC (the Samuelson-Glushko Canadian Internet Policy and Public Interest Clinic at the University of Ottawa) which was a third-party intervenor in the case, supporting the AGC. While Geist has remained silent, CIPPIC has commented, trying to minimize the impact of the decision by dismissing it as a technical issue. Although Justice Roy’s declarations have been set aside, CIPPIC tries to salvage some usable timber from the wreckage by claiming that his views on fair dealing and passwords remain as obiter (non-binding opinions). However, as this legal blog notes,

“This appellate ruling effectively nullifies the precedential value of the judgment….Moreover, the FCA explicitly noted that the court’s findings…that Blacklock’s paywall was “not the TPM” (as distinct from the password) was obiter dicta and not binding. While the FCA declined to endorse or criticize this comment, it appears that the FCA was skeptical of the findings of Justice Roy.”

Retired IP lawyer Howard Knopf, who maintains a blog titled “Excess Copyright” (which tells you all you need to know about his views on copyright), has written extensively on the BR Parks Canada case over the years. Back in August of 2024, after Justice Roy’s decision against BR, he commented that “I would frankly be surprised, but not shocked, if BR actually does appeal.” He thought BR had more to lose than to gain from doing so. Once BR had launched its appeal, Mr. Knopf informed the world that “the jurisprudence and the factual record suggest that Blacklock’s will lose the appeal.” That was clearly his belief, but he backed it up by asking ChatGPT (I am serious), which agreed that BR’s appeal would be dismissed and Justice Roy’s decision affirmed in all respects. Then came the Appeal Court’s decision. Oops. How to explain that? Easy. It was a “pyrrhic victory”. Blame ChatGPT. After all, it can’t be expected to be right all the time.

Why was the victory so “pyrrhic” (meaning not worth the cost of victory)? Knopf doesn’t say, although he is forced to acknowledge that the AGC’s motion for summary judgment has been dismissed, the declarations are voided, and costs have been awarded to BR. Having got the Parks Canada case–which it wanted to discontinue–set aside, BR is free to pursue other options, and it may do so. While Justice Roy’s views on fair dealing have not been reversed, they have also not been accepted. They have been nullified (set aside). This is not a pyrrhic victory; it is real and substantive.

The Government of Canada has deep pockets when it comes to litigation. Rather than waste these taxpayer-funded resources in pursuing small businesses who are seeking to get paid fairly for their work, as it clearly did with its “too clever by half” legal manoeuvre on the Parks Canada case, it should walk its talk about supporting Canadian media. This means doing the right thing and paying for the access it provides to its employees. Instead, it unleashed the legal dogs at AGC to try to teach BR a lesson. That strategy has just blown up in its face. Score one for David.

© Hugh Stephens, 2026. All Rights Reserved.