
Photo: Author (in Agnew’s General Store, Wilberforce, ON)
Mark Carney’s first Canada Day as Prime Minister (Canada’s 158th) was supposed to mark a milestone; the end (or at least the beginning of the end) of federal-provincial trade barriers, the enactment of legislation to fast-track major projects, and passage of tax relief. All were achieved by the July 1 deadline, no small feat for just a couple of months in office. But just two days before Canada Day, one more action took place that Mr. Carney surely had not planned for when celebrating the birthday of the True North Strong and Free. This was the decision to rescind Canada’s Digital Services Tax (DST) late on Sunday, June 29, after a phone call between Carney and President Trump, subsequent to Trump’s post on Truth Social that he was immediately suspending trade and security negotiations with Canada owing to the imminent imposition of the tax. The DST, enacted into law in 2024 but with an 18 month “advance notice” period prior to actual implementation was supposed to go into effect on June 30, with taxes owing backdated to 2022. It was estimated that companies like Google, Amazon, Uber, META, AirBNB and others were on the hook for back payments of about two billion dollars, with more to come in future years. Not surprisingly, these companies weren’t happy and enlisted the support of the Trump Administration, as indeed they had sought support from Joe Biden earlier.
The DST was controversial in Canada. It was opposed by, among others, the Canadian Chamber of Commerce and the Business Council of Canada. Reasons for opposition were several; it was a tax that the tech giants and could and would pass on to consumers (Google has already imposed a 2.5% “digital tax” on its customers to compensate for the anticipated impact of the DST—don’t count on getting that money back), but the main argument against the DST was it painted a big target on Canada’s back. The DST had already attracted significant opposition from the tech industry in the US during the Biden Administration and was certain to provoke an unpredictable Donald Trump at a time when disruption on the Canada-US trade file was already endemic.
Is important to remember what the DST is and why it is on the tax agenda. It is not a sales tax, nor a tax on profits. It is a three percent tax on revenues generated in Canada from specific services provided by large digital companies that have global operations. In the case of Canada’s DST, companies that are “in scope” to pay the tax must earn a minimum of $20 million in revenues in Canada from specified services such as sales of digital advertising, online marketplaces, social media services or sale of user data (significantly, however, not content streaming), plus have worldwide income of more than 750 million Euros, about one billion CAD. Canada’s DST legislation was passed in 2023, came into force on January 1, 2024 (when taxes began accumulating retroactive to January 1, 2022), with first payments due on June 30, 2025. Due, that is, until it was announced, just a few hours before the payment deadline, that the legislation would not be enforced and would be ultimately rescinded. The fact that legislation duly passed by Parliament that had been in force for a year and half could be rescinded within 48 hours of the US President opposing it in a “tweet” says it all. How did Canada paint itself into this corner from which there was no reasonable escape?
It is important to note that the Canadian legislation, as well as DST legislation in other countries, does not specifically name US tech giants as the targets, (a small number of Canadian companies would have also been required to pay the tax in Canada) but targetting the “GAFAMs” (Google, Apple, Facebook, Amazon and Microsoft etc.) is the import of digital service taxes generally. This is because these are the companies that dominate the digital space–and which have been accused of manipulating profits to minimize and avoid paying tax in countries where their revenues are generated. It is argued that having disrupted the business environment (by upending the advertising market, for example), the companies should at least contribute tax revenues in the jurisdictions where they have a digital presence. It is no secret that most of these companies have exploited the fact they have little or no physical presence in many of the countries where they generate significant revenue. Although headquartered in the US many of them have set up offshore operations to conduct their global business, ensuring that their operations in third countries are barely profitable. This allows them to pull back the proceeds to the low-tax offshore jurisdiction (like Ireland) from where they ostensibly conduct international operations.
Profitability is reduced by legal techniques such as charging high fees to the local subsidiary for its use of the intellectual property in the technology platform, thus ensuring that profits are attributed back to the office registered in the tax shelter location. It is no accident that if you book accommodation through AirBNB in Canada, your payment goes to AirBNB Ireland, 8 Hanover Quay, Dublin. Your refund, if any, comes from the same source. The Library of Parliament published a detailed research paper on the tax avoidance phenomenon in 2020. To counteract these manoeuvres governments have deployed various measures to plug the loopholes. One of these is a tax on revenues instead of profits. Note however that it is a blunt instrument because it captures the just and the unjust alike. A company may have low profits for a variety of reasons, such as being in start up phase, not just because of tax avoidance. Additionally, it is normal when DSTs are applied that no credit is provided for other taxes paid, disincentivizing good tax behaviour.
Be that as it may, the DST is one way for governments to fight tax venue shopping by multilateral corporations engaged in digital trade, although it is not the preferred way of dealing with the problem of tax avoidance. Since 2013 the OECD, ostensibly with US cooperation, has been trying to find a multilateral solution that would provide for an agreed reallocation of digital revenues, as well as application of an alternative minimum tax. However, since this could result in it losing out on some revenues that would be dispersed to other countries, the US has slow walked the process. While the Biden Administration agreed in principle, it did not submit the OECD “Global Tax Treaty” to Congress for fear of defeat. On assuming office in 2025, Donald Trump tore up all previous US commitments to the OECD tax reform process.
In 2021, an interim agreement was reached. The US agreed to continue to engage in the treaty negotiations provided that other countries contemplating introduction of a DST agreed to pause implementation (ie. there would be a moratorium on the introduction of new DSTs) pending conclusion of a final agreement. However some countries, notably Austria, France, Italy, Spain and the UK, had already implemented a DST and were therefore “grandfathered”. Thus, they enjoyed the tax revenue from digital companies all the while the OECD was dithering over next steps. Canada looked on with envy.
Canada appears to have felt it missed the boat by not introducing legislation earlier (it was first mooted by the Trudeau government in 2019), which would have allowed it to benefit from grandfathering. The Canadian position was that it would introduce legislation only if the OECD treaty process did not move forward as planned (which is what happened in 2023, when it stalled). While agreement was not reached, there was broad consensus on extending the DST moratorium. Canada opposed an extension, the only OECD member to do so. It then proceeded to introduce its own DST legislation, backdated to 2022 (to capture the revenue it thought it should have been receiving all along), with collection including arrears to begin on June 30 of this year. No doubt the anticipated $2 billion in revenue had already been “booked” by the Department of Finance against the budget deficit.
On one plane—the fiscal plane–this all makes sense. However, looked at from the perspective of Canada-US trade relations, it was asking for trouble. Why be the “tall poppy” when you could stick with the pack and wait out the process, especially given the asymmetry in Canada-US economic power and Canada’s dependence on the US market? Why impose an ill thought-out retroactivity provision? Why be the threatened breach in the DST dam, inviting a disproportionate response to head off others who may have the same idea? Add in the re-arrival of Donald Trump on the political scene and you have a crisis waiting to happen.
Although the implementation of the DST at the end of June, 2025 had been well publicized for a couple of years (and was the subject of a USMCA/CUSMA dispute settlement case under the Biden Administration), it seems to have only caught Donald Trump’s attention on the eve of the scheduled implementation date. Coming right in the middle of an agreed 30-day self-imposed window to reach a bilateral agreement, a timeframe agreed between Carney and Trump at the G7 summit earlier in June, Carney had no choice but to back down. The DST was not the hill to die on.
How did the government allow itself to be so backed into a corner that craven capitulation was the only reasonable outcome? Why not simply suspend the DST’s implementation for a few weeks, kick the can down the road and roll the DST into the bilateral agreement? At worst, use it as negotiating coinage. My guess is that it would likely have ended up on the cutting room floor but at least that concession could have been potentially offset against some other issue of benefit to Canada in the new agreement. What has happened now is that Canada has given up a key card simply for the privilege of being able to stay at the table with the US. What is to stop Trump from announcing next week that something else has to go or else negotiations will end? With his zero-sum approach to negotiations, he could in theory continue to pry concessions out of Canada item-by-item well before any deal is reached, if one is reached at all. It used to be that “nothing is agreed until everything is agreed”. This has now been changed to allow the dominant partner to cherry pick concessions just for the “concession” of keeping talking. We have gone from “elbows up” to “hit me”.
This is the lesson, if any was needed, as to what happens when you are dealing with someone like Donald Trump who has never heard of “principled negotiation” (defined by Google’s AI Overview as “a collaborative approach to conflict resolution that focuses on finding mutually beneficial solutions while preserving relationships”) or “win-win”. It’s all about raw power and today’s deal.
No sooner was the announcement made about rescinding the DST than the pundits jumped in. The University of Ottawa’s Michael Geist crowed that the government had “caved” (on this he was right) and went on to point out all the times in the past he had warned the government this would happen. If there was ever an “I told you so” moment, this was it. (Gee, Michael, if only they had listened to you). He offers the obvious point that the US tech industry doesn’t like paying taxes, especially to little old Canada, so be careful how hard you poke the bear, but offers no solution as to how to deal with the tax avoidance issue. Mind you, as far as I can tell, there has never been much daylight between Dr. Geist’s positions and those of the US tech industry, so I am not surprised. On the other hand, Canadian nationalists like former Foreign Minster Lloyd Axworthy (a member of the same Liberal Party as Mark Carney no less!) called it “forelock-tugging diplomacy”. Commentators Perrin Beatty and Fen Hampson appropriately described it as an “own goal we could do without”.
Personally, I had hoped for a better strategy from this new government. There is no need to gratuitously pull the eagle’s feathers but at the same time, recognizing reality, ensure that when you pick a fight, you don’t find yourself alone in the corner. Or if you have to be pummelled, make sure it is about something fundamental, not just stubbornness over the means of bringing the tech giants to heel. Canada still needs to deal with both disruptions to Canada-US goods and services trade as well as how to appropriately regulate and tax digital services. Caution and realism are important watchwords, but so is sovereignty. Let’s learn a lesson from this sad chapter and do better next time.
© Hugh Stephens, 2025. All Rights Reserved









