Tag: CanCon

US Streamers and Canadian Content: What is the Role of Copyright? (A Clarification)

A stylized film clapperboard with a Canadian flag design and a letter 'C' in the center.

Image: Shutterstock (adapted)

Last week I commented on the news that the Carney government intends to eliminate even the 5 percent base contribution of revenues required of US streaming services to fund Canadian production, rolling back a requirement imposed in 2024 by the CRTC as part of the first phase of implementing the Online Streaming Act. The story was broken by the Wire Report, which learned of this decision through a letter filed with the Federal Court by the Attorney-General for Canada (AGC) on behalf of the government. The Federal Court is currently hearing an appeal launched by the streamers against the CRTC’s base contribution edict.

The operative paragraph of the AGC letters reads as follows;

“We are instructed to inform the Court that the Government’s intention is to eliminate the base contribution requirement on streaming services and to provide government funding to replace these contributions. We are further informed that the Government expects the direction…to be published for consultation…in the coming weeks.”

In other words, a new policy direction is coming, so stay tuned. The Wire Report stated that the office of the Minister responsible, Hon. Marc Miller, confirmed the streamers will still be required to “reinvest” an unspecified portion of revenues under new policy directives under the Online Streaming Act, which remains in force. How that will be done is far from clear.

I then offered my opinion that if the Carney government wants to replace the current system with a policy alternative which is more likely to attract the support of the streamers (and perhaps lesson the pressure coming from the US Government generated by the streamer’s lobby), it should consider waiving or modifying the regulation that prevents the streamers from obtaining the full rights to the Canadian content in which they are required to invest. Specifically, I said;

Canadian policy makers and the Canadian industry have failed to grasp that you cannot, or should not, require foreign players to fund domestic producers to create Canadian content (CanCon) while simultaneously denying those same foreign entities the right to own or control the marketing and distribution of these productions.

I thought I was clear in what I was saying, but in retrospect maybe I was not as clear as I could have been.

After I’d posted the blog, a knowledgeable observer of the Canadian media scene wrote to me saying I was mistaken because I had suggested that the current Canadian policy–to the extent that it requires Canadian producers to own the copyright in their production– is inconsistent with requiring foreign players to fund domestic producers to create Canadian content. My correspondent noted that any Canadian content requirement imposed on foreign platforms simply requires them to contribute a percentage of their annual Canadian broadcasting revenues to “Canadian programming expenditures” or CPE. CPE could be “direct”, i.e. direct investment in Canadian programs (commissioning and production of content), acquisitions of Canadian programming, or expenses relating to dubbing in Canada using Canadian human resources, or “indirect’, namely contributions to production funds. They pointed out that a foreign platform can meet its CPE requirements by simply buying specific rights to a Canadian program, e.g, to show the program on its service in Canada or in other countries.  CPE doesn’t require the foreign platform to acquire the copyright in the program.

If my correspondent misinterpreted what I was saying, then that is on me, so let me clarify.

Firstly, I am in full agreement with what my critic said. The regulations do not require the foreign platform to acquire the copyright in the program. (I wasn’t suggesting that they did, but it seems I wasn’t sufficiently clear on this point). Indeed, the current regulations prevent it. There are two ways the foreign platform can meet its CPE requirements. The first is by simply paying into a fund (termed an “indirect CPE contribution”) over which it has no control and no access. That is basically how the initial 5% base contribution (now repudiated) was treated by the CRTC. No less than 11 different Canadian funds were eligible to draw funding from the base contribution pot of money. Some of the production was in fields, such as local news, that the streamers do not even produce. This was one of the grounds for the appeal to the Federal Court.

The other way in which the foreign platform can meet its CPE obligations under the current regulations is by investing in, commissioning, or acquiring the rights for Canadian programming, as noted by my correspondent. Canadian programming is defined by an arcane set of criteria that I have discussed elsewhere. It requires a certain number of Canadian inputs, from key creative positions and performers all the way down to make-up artists and hairdressers. But there is one key kicker. The IP rights, the ©, must be held by a Canadian for a set number of years, or else the program does not qualify as Canadian with respect to CPE obligations. In other words, the foreign platforms that are commissioning, investing in and funding the production in order to meet their direct CPE targets cannot own the rights. If they do retain the rights, the funds spent on creating content do not count against CPE requirements. Yes, foreign platforms can license a production to obtain distribution rights, but they must negotiate with a Canadian rightsholder to so–even if they have funded the program. Under normal industry practices, the platform would be free to hold the bundle of rights conferred by copyright if they wished to do so. This is often the case as it leads to a better return on investment.  

To be clear, I was not saying that the copyright restriction prevents foreign streamers from investing in Canadian production. Indeed, they are obliged to do so regardless of whether or not they can control the rights (which they cannot). Rather, the copyright restriction discourages the streamers from making any effort to go beyond the minimum legal requirement to fund Canadian production because they have no incentive to do so. Why invest in a production in which you can’t own the rights—unless you have no choice. The streaming industry works on the basis of different acquisition models, but for commissioned production or production where the bulk of the production cost is underwritten, the normal practice is to acquire all the rights through control of the copyright in the work. This allows for international distribution as well as control of subsequent release in different formats. If Canada is now going to replace the mandated CPE contributions with something else, it would make sense to find ways to encourage the streamers to “re-invest” in Canada. A positive step forward, in my judgement, would be to loosen the copyright chokehold.

I have no way of knowing for certain whether this would result in increased expenditure on Canadian production by the streamers. Many factors go into production decisions, including regulatory requirements. But a regulatory requirement is a stick. The current CPE requirement assumes that the only reason a foreign platform would invest in a certified Canadian production is because it is required to. But carrots can also be used. A well used carrot is a production subsidy. Canadian producers would no doubt scream bloody murder if Canadian taxpayer funds were used to subsidize US productions of Canadian stories. Yet, taxpayer funded subsidies are routinely used to encourage US studios to produce US content in Canada for US audiences. Foreign Location Shooting (all those Netflix, Disney or Hallmark and other productions made in Canada where Vancouver substitutes for Seattle or Toronto for some large US city) is big business and is heavily subsidized by Canadian taxpayers through both provincial and federal incentives.

If the objective is to keep workers in the Canadian film industry employed while facilitating the telling and indeed the export of Canadian stories, then why not let the streamers, who are skilled at production and international marketing, get full credit for the funds they put into Canadian production by allowing them to hold the rights and determine how the product will be used? If it is Canadian policy to increase the production and international distribution of Cancon (using the current criteria but without the copyright restriction), why not apply the euphemistically titled film “tax credits” to Cancon regardless of whether the IP rights are held by an international company or a Canadian entity?  Such an approach is likely to give Cancon much wider exposure than currently.

Some will say this is naïve; that the US studios have no interest in promoting Canadian stories. They only want to dumb down any expression of Canadian identity. I would respond with two points. First, a lot of what already qualifies as CanCon has no recognizable Canadian identity but provides sustenance for Canadian creatives, directors, showrunners, even hairdressers. Second, the studios will produce what sells. They are neither for nor against Canadian identity. If a good story is enhanced by a being set in a Canadian background–in other words if there is a business case to be made–then it will be produced. If a financial incentive is available for a foreign studio that jumps through all the hoops necessary to obtain CanCon certification, this might be the factor that tips the balance toward greenlighting a production. Canadian stories are not just produced for the limited Canadian market. They can have broad international appeal, including to US audiences, if they are crafted and marketed properly, just as Korean, Nordic, Spanish, British, Australian and other content has enjoyed success internationally.

It is also worth noting that streaming is a competitive business. Costs are going up, as consumers will have noted. While the industry is big, if it is regarded as an unlimited cash cow whose function is to fund every variety of Canadian content, from local news to Indigenous production to minority Official Language groups, then it is not surprising there will be pushback. If the forthcoming policy change results in a more flexible Canadian content policy by waiving or eliminating the Canadian ownership requirement for foreign platforms, while creating incentives for them to produce CanCon rather than punishing them if they do not, this could open the way to a better outcome for the foreign platforms, for consumers and for Canadian creators.

© Hugh Stephens, 2026. All Rights Reserved

The CRTC’s “Rube Goldberg” Definition of Canadian Content (CanCon): More Complicated..but Also More Flexible

An old television displaying the words 'CANCON REDEFINED' over a background of the Canadian flag.

Since it is frequently in the news, it’s worth asking the question. What is Canadian Content (Cancon)? It can be many things to many people. Unlike pornography, you don’t always know it when you see it. Blogger Michael Geist illustrated the problem well a few years ago with his Cancon quiz. If you want to do well in the quiz, select just about any production that the general public is likely to regard as Canadian– i.e. based on a book written by a Canadian, starring a prominent Canadian actor or notably taking place in Canada–as not qualifying as certified Cancon. Then select all the obscure productions you have never heard of including several with no identifiable connection to Canada as certified Canadian content. You will be a winner! This perverse outcome is because of the way the system is set up, as I have written about in previous blogs, such as this one (Unravelling the Complexities of the Canadian Content (Cancon) Conundrum).

In brief, up to now Cancon has been primarily defined by the number of points (out of 10) that a production accumulates, in addition to other factors such as the requirement that it be produced by a Canadian and reach a minimum 75% production expenditure in Canada (except for co-productions). Cancon is defined in regulation by no less than three entities, Telefilm Canada for co-productions, the Canadian Audio-Visual Certification Office (CAVCO), part of Heritage Canada, to determine eligibility for subsidies, and the broadcast regulator, the CRTC, with respect to meeting Cancon broadcast quotas. All use the points system, with some productions requiring 10/10 to obtain maximum subsidies, while most others  meeting a minimum 6/10 requirement. Points are awarded for the positions in the production filled by Canadians, such as the writer, director, performers, director of photography, production designer, music composer and picture editor. For CAVCO productions, the copyright must also be held by a Canadian producer for a minimum of 25 years. The actual story and its setting are completely irrelevant. In short, it is more of an industrial than a cultural policy, based on the assumption that if Canadians are in charge, they will produce content that reflects Canada. It often doesn’t work out that way.

Now the CRTC has updated its definition of Cancon as part of the implementation of the Online Streaming Act, which brings streaming services in Canada under the oversight of the broadcast regulator. Foreign streaming services over a certain revenue threshold are being required to make a financial contribution to Cancon (although they are challenging this in court) and may be required to promote Cancon on their services (“discoverabilty). The CRTC cannot impose broadcast quotas on an à la carte streaming service, whether domestic or foreign, thus the financial contribution and likely discoverability requirements. The survival and promotion of Canadian content, both domestically and internationally, is at the core of the legislation. Thus, the CRTC’s new definition of Cancon is very relevant.

If you thought the definition was going to get simpler, think again. However, it has been updated to incorporate new positions in productions, like a showrunner, plus those responsible for costume design, make-up artists, and hair artists. But not all productions, especially those in Québec, have all these positions, especially the new category of showrunner. As a compromise, having a Canadian showrunner will be worth an optional 2 bonus points, but if you don’t have one you won’t be penalized. What exactly is a showrunner? There is a lengthy CRTC definition related to the position being the creative leader of a production, managing the production process etc. With respect to costume design, make-up and hair artists, if collectively all these positions are filled by Canadians the production will garner another bonus point. If a production does not utilize all of these positions, it must fill the ones that it does with Canadians to get the optional point. Is Canadian makeup and hair design different from non-Canadian? I wouldn’t have thought so, but there you go. As I said, it is an industrial policy as much as a cultural one.

Here is another example of what is starting to look like very much like a Rube Goldberg machine, with add-ons, exceptions, secret doorways and special conditions. For animated productions, the Commission will now award 2 points (instead of 1 point) for each of the key creative positions Director, and Scriptwriter and Storyboard Supervisor, when filled by Canadians. There are various other tweaks; for animated productions, the Commission will award the points noted below for the following key creative positions, when filled by Canadians; Director (2 points; previously 1 point); Scriptwriter and Storyboard Supervisor (2 points; previously 1 point); and First Voice (or first lead performer) and Second Voice (or second lead performer) (1 point each; previously 1 point for one or the other, but not both). It goes on. For animated productions, the Director OR Scriptwriter and Storyboard Supervisor, and either the First Voice (or first lead performer) OR Second Voice (or second lead performer), and Key Animation AND Camera Operator must be Canadian. There’s more, adding Visual Effects Director and Special Effects Director to the list of key creative positions in a film, adding one bonus point if both are Canadian.

If all this has your head spinning, be assured that this stuff is of intrinsic interest to the industry but of not much relevance to Canadian consumers. What Canadian consumers want are Canadian stories in Canadian settings. On this score, there is a bit of a breakthrough, recognizing the importance of these factors for the first time. It is only a small opening but is the first time that location depicted in a film has been included as a factor in assessing Canadian content, as well as points for the source of the story.

The Commission will award 1 bonus point where identifiable Canadian characters and identifiable Canadian settings are included in a production, but all lead characters (up to 5 main fictional characters in dramatic productions) must be identified as Canadian or members of First Nations, Inuit or Métis in Canada and all persons on screen in non-dramatic productions (presenters, musicians, dancers) might likewise be Canadian, First Nations, Inuit or Métis (as if the latter were not, by definition, Canadian). As for location, “The location of the story must be set in Canada. The story or narrative must take place entirely in an identified Canadian city/region/province/territory. The location can be identified by a Canadian landmark or by identification on screen or otherwise identified overtly in the narrative or text of the program.”

All this for one lousy point! If you want to incorporate a visual reference to a place outside Canada (for example, one’s homeland for immigrant Canadians) could you do it in a dream scene if the dreamer’s bedroom has a shot of the CN Tower through the window. Not clear. But it is a start toward recognizing that settings, characters and stories are relevant to Cancon. A bonus point will be awarded for a production based on a Canadian story and another point for using Canadian music.

Finally, on the copyright front where the current CAVCO policy requires a Canadian to control the copyright for 25 years, there is mixed news. In a recent blog post, I argued that the CRTC should not impose a Canadian copyright restriction if the goal is to get foreign streamers to produce more Cancon for distribution abroad. Content is softpower. Content exported abroad not only helps cover the cost of production, it projects an image of Canada to the world through Canadian stories. To penalize foreign producers by preventing them from acquiring copyright in productions they have financed or partially financed, should they wish to acquire it, is shortsighted in my view. The CRTC took account of this concern but also had to listen to the instructions it received from government requiring it to consider the need to support Canadian ownership of intellectual property.

The end result is a compromise; Canadians must retain at least 20% of the copyright ownership in a program. In other words, up to 80% of the copyright in a production can be held by a foreign enterprise. In such cases, however, the production must accumulate at least 80% of possible points and the director and screenwriter must be Canadian. Where there are greater degrees of Canadian copyright ownership, some of these requirements are relaxed. There will be no minimum copyright retention period. A recent blog on MediaPolicy.ca goes into more detail on this.

Finally, there is the question of AI, just about the only point in the CRTC decision picked up by the mainstream media. The new positions created to increase the point count have to be staffed by humans, not AI. The rest of the CRTC package was likely too difficult to compress into something readable for the average news consumer.

What does this all add up to? An incredibly complex and bureaucratic system yet that is, believe it or not, a bit more flexible with respect to defining Canadian content than previously. It is a result of the classic compromises that must be made between idealism and reality, between promoting Canadian content in a bubble and ensuring its presence in the real, competitive world. It attempts to strike a balance between heavy lobbying by domestic constituencies such as Canadian independent producers and licensed broadcasters, and the foreign streamers that increasingly dominate the market. It tips the balance a bit more toward being a cultural than an industrial policy, but from the point of view of the average Canadian, is about as arcane as a bureaucratic process can get.

As noted, it is a Rube Goldberg machine with many levers needing to be pulled to get to the desired end, often by the most complicated route possible. But the Commission had little choice given that the current Cancon policy was clearly outdated. Maybe at the end of the day, we will actually get more recognizable Canadian content that finds audiences both domestically and internationally, on a variety of platforms. And while purist Canadian nationalists may disagree, if the new policy encourages additional investment in Cancon from the streamers, that can only be a benefit to Canada.

© Hugh Stephens, 2025. All Rights Reserved.

If anyone is not familiar with Rube Goldberg and his penchant for drawing overly complicated solutions to simple problems, this link will provide more detail.

The Online Streaming Act: Dealing with US Industry Concerns (The Cancon Factor)

A vintage television set displaying the Canadian flag.

Image: Shutterstock

Last month I wrote about the spectre of US trade retaliation against measures impacting or possibly impacting US streaming services as the Canadian Radio-Television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC) proceeds with implementation of the Online Streaming Act (formerly Bill C-11). The Computer & Communications Industry Association (CCIA), a US trade association that includes, among others, Amazon, Google, Meta and Apple, has taken aim at this process, claiming it is discriminatory and violates Canadian commitments under the CUSMA/USMCA, the trade agreement that replaced NAFTA. A core element of CCIA’s argument is that the very concept of Canadian content (Cancon) is discriminatory because it violates Article 19.4 of CUSMA which calls for “national treatment” of a digital product;

“No Party shall accord less favorable treatment to a digital product created, produced, published, contracted for, commissioned, or first made available on commercial terms in the territory of another Party, or to a digital product of which the author, performer, producer, developer, or owner is a person of another Party, than it accords to other like digital products”

What is Article 19.4 intended to cover? As an example, if rules are imposed prohibiting digital products from causing harm to children, the same rules should apply to both domestic and foreign products. However, do special requirements regarding Cancon audiovisual or music products (such as airtime quotas on radio or possible “discoverability” requirements for streamers) constitute discrimination against US digital products? Maybe. Is all music and AV content fungible or is Cancon somehow different, i.e. not a “like digital product”? If Cancon is “different”, what is it that differentiates it? That is not an easy question to answer because of the many criteria that go into determining whether a product is considered Canadian for regulatory purposes.

I took a stab a couple of years ago at explaining how Cancon is defined (“Unravelling the Complexities of the Canadian Content (Cancon) Conundrum”). For AV products, it is basically a combination of four elements; production control, copyright and distribution rights, creative positions and production spend. The CRTC definition and the definition used by the Canadian Audio-Visual Certification Office (CAVCO), which distributes certain tax credits, are slightly different with the latter being more stringent. For music there is the MAPL system. As explained by the CRTC, to qualify as Canadian content, a musical selection must generally fulfil at least two of the following conditions: M (music): the music is composed entirely by a Canadian; A (artist): the music is, or the lyrics are, performed principally by a Canadian; P (performance): the musical selection consists of a live performance that is recorded wholly in Canada, or performed wholly in Canada and broadcast live in Canada, and L (lyrics): the lyrics are written entirely by a Canadian. The CRTC is proposing that the “P” criteria be dropped owing to changing patterns in the music industry, notably the many Canadian artists recording outside Canada, such as in Nashville.

Qualifying as Cancon is complicated, but it has value. Cancon certification provides access to various subsidies and funds as well as providing a product that meets airtime and broadcast obligations, where and when they exist. In the aftermath of the enactment of the Online Streaming legislation, a key question is whether streamers (like broadcasters) will be required to meet certain content quotas, if indeed it is even feasible to impose content quotas on streamers. The different delivery model, where it is the consumer who “pulls” content from a broad menu rather than a broadcaster who “serves up” a given offering, makes it almost impossible to impose content quotas. Theoretically, you could require a streamer to make available a specified inventory of Cancon, or even to promote Cancon (referred to as “discoverability”), but there is no way of making consumers actually watch or listen to Canadian productions. Trying to apply a 20th century broadcast model of regulation to 21st century streaming is not a good fit. Regulators around the world are grappling with this reality. One of the arguments for imposing an expenditure requirement on streamers, both domestic and international, to support the creation of Cancon is to compensate for the lack of applicability of content quotas in a streaming environment.

A core feature of certified Cancon at present is that it cannot, by definition, be produced by a non-Canadian regardless of whether all the creative talent (writers, directors, performers, designers, composers etc.) and production spend would otherwise meet Cancon criteria. There is a complicated formula that awards points for creative roles filled by Canadians, with a specified number of points required to qualify under different programs.  The fact that a non-Canadian production may be a Canadian story filmed in Canada with Canadian actors is irrelevant with respect to Cancon certification. In short, the colour of the money (the production company) is a determining factor. Additionally, under CAVCO rules, a foreign studio or producer cannot hold the intellectual property, (the copyright) in a Cancon production. A Canadian production company must be the copyright holder for all commercial exploitation purposes for a minimum of 25 years.

As part of implementing the Online Streaming Act, the CRTC was instructed to review the definition of Cancon. The Commission subsequently held public hearings in which ownership of copyright became a key issue. Opinions ranged from expanding the CAVCO requirements to all forms of Cancon to eliminating copyright ownership as a factor. The streamers, who now have (contested) financial obligations to fund Cancon, generally prefer to own copyright in productions. It is not a surprise that they object to being required to fund Cancon productions while being denied the opportunity to own and exploit the rights. Supporters of a more restrictive Cancon definition point out that foreign streamers are free to license Cancon qualifying productions from the Canadian rightsholder. However, a restrictive definition tied to financing and copyright ownership eliminates the possibility of direct financing by foreign streamers and could mean they would in effect be paying twice, first by contributing to the Fund that financed the production and second, by paying to acquire the rights. Moreover, there is no guarantee that the rights would be available on acceptable terms.

Those advocating for a comprehensive Cancon definition that includes financing and IP ownership as factors argue this is necessary to create and maintain a viable Canadian industry. But such restrictions have two effects. First, if copyrights must be retained, this removes from Canadian producers/rightsholders the ability to sell the rights at a time of their choosing (and possibly use the funds to produce more Cancon). Not all productions will have a sustaining revenue stream over time. It should be left to the producer to judge whether to cash out now or license the product while retaining ownership. Second, requiring that the producer be Canadian for a production to be certified as Cancon disincentivizes foreign streamers from self producing content showcasing Canadian stories, artists, locations etc. They can do so but are denied all Cancon credit for such productions. The cost of such productions does not count against their required financial contribution (currently 5% of revenues) nor does the production qualify as Canadian content in terms of meeting existing (or possibly future) content quotas. If a goal of Cancon policy is to promote expressions of Canadian culture through creation of financially viable productions, disincentivizing foreign producers from putting their toes into the Cancon lake makes no sense. Production of Cancon by global enterprises like the streamers will help ensure global distribution, meeting both cultural projection objectives as well as exposing Cancon to new markets.

There is also the question of subsidies provided to producers of Cancon. Under current definitions, the US studios are not eligible to access funds earmarked to produce Cancon (even though they are required to contribute to these funds). This could be dealt with giving foreign studios “contribution credit” for self-financed Cancon productions. It’s worth noting the studios are already offered generous subsidies–euphemistically referred to as tax credits–to undertake non-Canadian production in Canada, and no-one complains about that, except Donald Trump. Trump has been rattling the chains over so-called “runaway production” and has threatened to impose tariffs on movies made outside the US.

While I think many of the concerns of the foreign streamers could be addressed through a more flexible definition of Canadian content, I am not confident the CRTC will see it this way given the policy instructions it received from the government at the time the legislation was proclaimed. Can it comply with this guidance while not painting itself into a CUSMA corner? The Commission is directed to take international commitments into account, although there is no specific reference to CUSMA, only the 2005 UNESCO Convention on Cultural Diversity.

From my perspective it is not realistic for US streamers to expect a free ride (and they probably don’t) but Canada and the CRTC need to avoid being too greedy. They should also be flexible in defining Cancon, focussing more on the promotion of Canadian stories, music and talent and less on maintenance of an industrial policy that relies on protectionism for a favoured few. A policy that calls on foreign streamers to invest in Canadian creativity, given the revenues that they generate in Canada, is not unreasonable; denying them the ability to take a direct ownership stake in the products to which they contribute funding would be short-sighted. The policy straitjacket that exists with respect to Cancon sets up a search for draconian solutions, like the CCIA’s threats. In short, remove the Cancon handcuffs and keep the required contributions reasonable. Give credit for funds expended on content that meets Canadian artistic and cultural criteria. I think this would help blunt the frontal attack from US audiovisual streamers. Music is more complicated. Meanwhile, Canada needs to be careful not to negate any trade obligations it has taken on and avoid being forced into the Article 32.6 “cultural exemption” corner. 

But wait, I have an idea! If all else fails, there is also CUSMA Article 32.2 (b). “Nothing in this agreement shall be construed to…. preclude a Party from applying measures that it considers necessary for the fulfilment of its obligations with respect to …the protection of its own essential security interests.” If Donald Trump considers that importing kitchen cabinets from Canada threatens the national security of the United States perhaps it is not such a stretch to conclude that the preservation of Canadian culture (whatever that is) is just as essential to Canada’s national security, justifying any measures one chooses to employ. Is this a serious option? You decide.

© Hugh Stephens, 2025.  All Rights Reserved.

In writing this opinion piece, I have drawn on my background both as a former Canadian government official who has had some dealings with international trade issues over the years, as well as past experience as an executive with one of the US companies which, at the time, controlled a major Hollywood studio. (Time Warner). However, whatever “solutions” I have proposed to address US industry concerns regarding Cancon are mine alone. I hope they are a useful contribution to the debate, but I want to be clear that I do not speak for the CCIA or the streamers.

The CRTC and Online Streaming: Money Now; Details Later

Photo: Author

The first shoe has dropped for foreign online music and video streamers in Canada, at least those generating more than $25 million a year in “contribution revenues” from the Canadian market. On June 4, the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC) announced it will be imposing “base contributions” of 5 percent of annual Canadian contribution revenues on streamers such as Netflix, Spotify, Amazon Prime, Disney + etc. as part of the implementation of the Online Streaming Act passed last year. (Canadian streamers associated with a Canadian broadcast entity, i.e. Crave, are exempt). The Act brings online streaming services under the regulatory purview of the broadcast regulator. The “base contributions” are to begin in the 2024-25 broadcast year, beginning September 1 of this year, and are expected to generate in the range of CAD$200 million annually. According to the Minister for Canadian Heritage, Pascale St. Onge, the levy is about “fairness in the system” and will be good for the streamers because it will create more content that will “most likely” go back on their platforms. So why are they not happy? (And they are not).

They are not happy because this is just the first shoe to drop, and while they now know the cost of this shoe, they don’t know what the other shoes are going to cost, what exactly those shoes will look like, or indeed whether they will be allowed to try them on. Because, you see, the rules about who can access the Funds that their money will be going into, and on what terms, have not yet been determined. Key decisions regarding the definition of Canadian content and who can own or control Canadian content (through holding the copyright) are a couple of years down the road. With those decisions could come other requirements, such as allocating a percentage of revenues to production of local content on top of the current “base contribution” to existing Funds, discoverability obligations, and possibly others.

With regard to the top-up of existing funding mechanisms, just about anybody who is anyone in film, TV or music will be lining up to get a share of the $200 million pie. The list includes (and I am not kidding) no less than 11 identified recipients named by the CRTC;  the Canadian Media Fund, the Independent Local News Fund, the Black Screen Office Fund, Certified Independent Production Funds supporting OLMC (Official Language Minority Communities), the Indigenous Screen Office Fund, FACTOR and Musicaction, a new temporary fund supporting local news production by commercial radio stations outside designated market, the Canadian Starmaker Fund and Fonds RadioStar, the Community Radio Fund of Canada, direct expenditures targeting the development of Canadian and Indigenous content and, last (and least, in terms of percentage of the funding from audio online undertakings), the Indigenous Music Office. Is anyone missing? What about the Punjabi Weather Network or the Lawn Bowling Broadcast Fund? This is micro-management gone wild.

The 5% contribution funding is divided up into various slivers, some larger than others, by the Solomons at the CRTC. As for the Minister’s optimistic belief that those making the contribution will “most likely” benefit from the content produced, I struggle to see how Netflix or Disney+ will get much out of the Independent Local News Fund (which is currently funded by Canadian cable platforms) or Francophone productions in British Columbia or Alberta. The argument, no doubt, is that this is the price for participating in the Canadian broadcast ecosystem, that now includes online streaming undertakings. Music streamers, on the other hand, will probably benefit from the development of more Canadian talent.

As a consumer of music and audio-visual content, I am also a participant in the broadcast ecosystem and already pay in various ways, through income and sales taxes, and streaming and cable (yes, I am still one of them) subscription fees. I have a hunch I am about to pay more. For several years now the AV streaming services have been on a spending spree in an attempt to grab market share. Profitability came second, but that is rapidly changing as the market matures. And that means subscription fees are going up. (Netflix is killing off the basic subscription I have had for a number of years and given me the choice of a slight price reduction if I put up with ads, or else face a roughly 50% increase in monthly subscription fees. I am still dithering). And this was before the CRTC dropped its latest bombshell. If the CTRC is going to take 5% or more of revenues, simple math tells you there are only a couple of ways to make that up, cut costs or raise prices. “Costs of doing business” inevitably get recovered from customers. If the price of supporting a viable content industry in Canada was limited to a 5% increase in my monthly subscriptions, I would gladly pay but I doubt that my contribution will be limited to 5%.

Ironically, the issue of whether the CRTC should regulate streamers was postponed for years in Canada because of aversion of what was referred to at the time as the “Netflix tax”. No-one knew for sure what that meant; it could have meant imposing sales taxes on a Netflix subscription (which has since been done), or it could have meant a levy on Netflix (which was the first streaming service to enter Canada) to fund Canadian content. But while people weren’t clear on what a Netflix tax was, they knew they didn’t like it. It became a symbol of piling yet one more nuisance fee onto consumers (“carbon tax” anyone”?) and while a small fee on a streaming subscription was unlikely to send anyone to the poor house, politicians from all parties outdid themselves by swearing to avoid any form of Netflix or internet tax.

Serendipitously, I have just finished reading Howard Law’s new book, “Canada vs California-How Ottawa Took on Netflix and the Streaming Giants”, a fascinating deep dive on Bill C-11, which became the Online Streaming Act, and its unsuccessful predecessor Bill C-10. (For those who don’t know, Howard also publishes a weekly blog, MediaPolicy.ca, another essential read for anyone interested in the Canadian media scene). Law devotes an early chapter to “No Netflix Tax 1999-2019” and then goes on to take the reader through the painful teething pains of Bills C-10 and C-11. The term “Netflix tax” has fallen out of use these days but the end result of the imposition of the CRTC “base contribution” on foreign streamers is really no different from an indirect tax.

Alternatively, if the streamers do not fund this new “base contribution” by raising prices to consumers, they will likely compensate for it by spending less elsewhere, i.e. on Canadian production, the very objective for imposing the contribution in the first place. According to MPA-Canada, in 2021-22 “foreign investment in production” (FIIP, a metric for international participation in the film and television production industry in Canada) contributed $875 million to production of Canadian content, about 13% of total financing for Canadian-owned content productions. (This is in addition to the much larger Foreign Location Shooting spend on US productions made in Canada). By comparison, the Canadian Media Fund contributed only 7% of total financing for Canadian productions. The foreign contribution to Canadian production was not far off the $1.09 billion spent by Canadian broadcasters on in-house production. A similar scenario exists in Australia, where the government is also exploring various options to require foreign streaming services to fund local production. Yet the streamers are currently the leading source of production funding for Australian adult drama. In Australia, streaming services invest more in this drama than public, commercial and subscription broadcasters combined, despite having no legal obligation to do so.

What does the US government think of the CRTC’s announcement? That will depend on how hard the foreign streamers push the US Administration to intervene, and right now it is not clear what they will do. Part of the issue is those other dangling shoes. The outcome might not be all that bad for the streamers if they are given fair access to the content they will be required to fund. After all, they need to spend on content to fill their pipeline. But the terms of what payback they will get from their required investments are not clear. A lot will depend on what amount of spend the Commission imposes on foreign streamers for production of Canadian content (Cancon), and how Cancon is defined.

Right now, the Canadian content definition is a complicated formula, set by different funding and regulatory bodies, as I outlined in a blog a couple of years ago,  (see “Unravelling the Complexities of the Canadian Content (Cancon) Conundrum”) and as Law outlines in his book. The core is the infamous points system, based on the nationality of key players in the production, plus amount of local spending. In addition, one of the current conditions for a production to be considered Canadian—and thus qualify for tax credits (funding)–is that the copyright and catalogue rights must be held by a Canadian (normally the producer) for a minimum of 25 years. However, the CRTC does not impose a copyright requirement when defining Cancon for broadcast quota purposes. Will this continue when the Commission finally gets around to addressing this issue? That shoe is still hanging there.

If the Cancon definition is tweaked in such a way that the foreign streamers are required to spend a set percentage of local revenues on Canadian content, but at the same time are excluded from being able to acquire such production (i.e. restricted to licensing content they have already invested in), this will be a problem. It is one thing to apply strings when a producer is applying for tax credits (AKA a subsidy). It is quite another to be required to fund production but be excluded from recouping a return on that investment in a way that makes most sense for the funder. With the Cancon definition shoe still dangling, trying to enlist the US Administration to bring pressure on Canada right now may not be the best strategy. Not that this has stopped some of the usual suspects, like the National Foreign Trade Council and the US Chamber of Commerce from weighing in. Their comments are no doubt a marker for future reference if needed. CUSMA/USMCA obligations need to be kept front and centre.

As I noted in an article last year, (“Could or Would the US Retaliate Against the Online Streaming Act (C-11) Now That it is Law?”), “the CRTC must be mindful that foreign streamers who contribute to Canadian productions need to be able to access, acquire and distribute them on an equal footing with Canadian streamers, who face no such limitations”. The CUSMA/USMCA trade agreement requires that cross-border digital services be dealt with on a national treatment basis, i.e. accorded no less favourable treatment than Canadian streaming services. The current proviso that exempts Canadian streaming services associated with a Canadian broadcaster from the 5% levy on revenues is not an auspicious start, but we will have to wait to see what happens.

Regarding the link between Cancon and copyright ownership, I know there are people in the industry in Canada whom I respect who argue this is very important to maintain cultural sovereignty. They feel strongly that it is essential for Canadians to hold the copyright in productions to avoid becoming just service producers. They have a point, although there are other considerations that need to be borne in mind. A Canadian producer should be able to hold the copyright (and assume the risk that the production may not be a big earner in future) if they wish, or else assign it, take the money and move on to the next project without the government putting its thumb on the scale of commercial negotiations. And it is not unreasonable for those who provide the funding and invest in a project to be allowed to negotiate commercially on how the asset is exploited.

The CRTC’s June 4 announcement can be considered a down payment or perhaps a first shot across the bow, depending on how you want to look at it. We are in for months, if not years, of more consultations. The CRTC’s own announcements project consultations into 2026, well past the next election. There will be several more shoes to drop, and the political landscape could well change. In the meantime, the streamers will have to start paying into a mixed bag of Funds as directed by the CRTC. As for those all-important details about the regulatory framework, they will come later.

© Hugh Stephens 2024. All Rights Reserved.